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This democratically challenged notion of presidential governance insinuated a kind of moral authority in which citizens were expected to be obedient to the rule of the village minister or father-­leader. This was, as George Lakoff observed, “the values of the strict father family applied to politics” in which the idea of free­dom was not the progressive 24 Chapter 1 ideal of expanding civil rights, appreciating diversity, enriching education, and the like. ”62 Such a blunt assertion of executive authority did not offend the public’s liberal-­democratic sensibilities because it was premised on a set of culturally inscribed notions, in­clud­ing the presumption that Christian virtue and free­dom exist in and are defined by an ongoing struggle against the devil and his totalitarianism.

55 This projection of fear and distrust onto a totalitarian 22 Chapter 1 antagonist (in abnegation of democracy) was purportedly a display of what democratic America precisely was not (elitist, authoritarian, imperialistic, aggressive, belligerent, murderous, and doomed to defeat). Yet the dark image of this totalitarian, Islamic, Communist-­like enemy corresponded, perhaps too closely for comfort, to the nation’s compliance with presidential rule and a regimen of continuous global warfare.

16 The parallels between the Salem narratives—first framed by Tituba’s confession, and infused with the Christian belief of illicit sexuality as evil— and Pané’s accounts in the Relación are striking in their similarity of detail. Ghostly apparitions by the spirits of dead relatives were recorded by Ann Putnam Sr. ”18 Such visitations might as well have been en- 38 Chapter 2 counters with the goeíza, or nocturnal trysts with opías, who seduced the living by laying “hard” upon them and by “pinching and squesing” their bodies.

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Arab Nationalism and National Socialist Germany by Nicosia

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