By Gershon Shafir
This penetrating and well timed research through famous students bargains a theoretically knowledgeable account of the political sociology of Israel. The argument is determined in its ancient context because the authors hint Israel's improvement from the start of Zionist cost in Palestine within the early Eighties to the Oslo accords in 1993, and at last to the new Palestinian rebellion. in contrast historical past, they speculate at the notion of citizenship and what it capability to be the citizen of a fragmented and ideologically divided society.
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Extra resources for Being Israeli: The Dynamics of Multiple Citizenship
Although democracy was espoused by the LSM’s leadership, it was democracy in the procedural sense only. The semi-voluntary nature of the Yishuv, where state power was in the hands of the British, and the voluntary nature of the LSM itself, forced the leadership to rely on democratic procedures. Substantive democracy, however, which Shapiro identiﬁed with liberal democracy, was another matter altogether. Such a democracy required, according to Shapiro, the existence of autonomous rival elites– professional, intellectual, economic – that could serve as counter-weights to the political elite.
This conceptual framework is notoriously conservative, since it allows no analytical room for legitimate conﬂict over the deﬁnition of the governing normative consensus itself, hence no room for signiﬁcant, non-disruptive social change. ” Functionalist analysis is framed by the existing social order and views the prevailing culture as the main integrative mechanism in society. It therefore tends to take the prevailing self-image of society as authoritative. 4 Zionist ideology, in the version promoted by the LSM, was thus elevated to the status of an objective depiction of reality in the dominant paradigm of Israeli sociology.
The latter viewed these institutions as obstacles both to the effective management of the economy and to the Labor Party’s ability to reconnect with the electorate and return to power after 1977. The opponents of the LSM’s institutional regime within the Labor party took over the LSM’s ﬂagship institution, the Histadrut, in the 1994 elections and stripped it of its remaining power and prestige by allowing the nationalization of its Sick Fund (HMO). The second type of change was the emergence of institutional entrepreneurship, both liberal and religious, on an unprecedented scale, and the accumulation of power in the hands of new institutions.
Being Israeli: The Dynamics of Multiple Citizenship by Gershon Shafir