By Mladen Ostojic
Exploring the influence of the overseas legal Tribunal (ICTY) on regime switch in Serbia, this e-book examines the connection among foreign felony justice and democratisation. It analyses intimately the repercussions of the ICTY on family political dynamics and gives an explanatory account of Serbia's transition to democracy.Lack of cooperation and compliance with the ICTY was once one of many greatest stumbling blocks to Serbia's integration into Euro-Atlantic political constructions following the overthrow of Milo'evi?. through scrutinising the attitudes of the Serbian gurus in the direction of the ICTY and the prosecution of conflict crimes, Ostoji? explores the complicated methods set in movement via the foreign community's regulations of conditionality and by way of the prosecution of the previous Serbian management within the Hague. Drawing on a wealthy selection of empirical information, he demonstrates that the good fortune of overseas judicial intervention is premised upon democratic consolidation and that transitional justice guidelines are just ever prone to take root after they don't undermine the soundness and legitimacy of political associations at the floor.
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Extra resources for Between Justice and Stability: The Politics of War Crimes Prosecutions in Post-Miloševic Serbia
59 For a detailed account of the events that took place on 5 October 2000, see Dragan Bujošević and Ivan Radovanović, The Fall of Milošević: The October 5th Revolution (New York and Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003). 60 As part of the deal, the Milošević family was ostensibly given some sort of political asylum in Russia, where his son immediately fled with large sums of money illicitly acquired during the previous decade. 61 After securing Koštunica’s presidential victory, the DOS coalition needed to assert its control over the executive.
The opposition’s compromise with the security structures of the former regime can be attributed to several factors. As noted above, the decision to negotiate with the main security actors was primarily motivated by the concern that the regime might resort to the use of force in order to prevent political changes. 72 The opposition’s compromises with the incumbent security actors were thus essentially made out of necessity. 74 In addition, the decision to preserve the existing security structures appears to have been partially driven by concern for the stability and integrity of the state.
36 These included the murders of paramilitary chief and underworld boss Željko Ražnatović Arkan and the former communist official and Serbian President Ivan Stambolić. The SPO leader Vuk Drašković survived two attempts on his life by the Serbian State Security Service in 1999 and 2000 (‘Milošević Aides Found Guilty of Yugoslav Political Assassination’, New York Times, 19 July 2005). 37 According to Cohen, most Serbian opposition leaders believed that the ICTY indictment of Milošević had complicated any chance for his negotiated exit from power.
Between Justice and Stability: The Politics of War Crimes Prosecutions in Post-Miloševic Serbia by Mladen Ostojic