By David l. Miller
An excellent political group is one whose electorate are actively engaged in figuring out their universal destiny jointly. certain jointly via ties of nationwide harmony, they observe and enforce rules of justice that every one can percentage, and in doing in order that they appreciate the separate identities of minority teams in the group.
within the essays accrued during this booklet, David Miller indicates that such a fantastic is not just fascinating, yet possible. He explains how lively citizenship at the republican version differs from liberal citizenship, and why it serves deprived teams higher than presently trendy different types of id politics. via taking into consideration freely with each other, electorate can succeed in judgements on concerns of public coverage which are either rational and reasonable. He this with a strong defence of the primary of nationality, arguing shared nationwide id is critical to inspire voters to interact within the identify of justice. makes an attempt to create transnational different types of citizenship, in Europe and in different places, are consequently inaccurate. He indicates that the main of nationality can accommodate the calls for of minority countries, and doesn't bring about a secessionist free-for-all. and at last he demonstrates that nationwide self-determination needn't be completed on the rate of worldwide justice.
this can be a robust assertion from a number one political theorist that not just extends our figuring out of citizenship, nationality and deliberative democracy, yet engages with present political debates approximately id politics, minority nationalisms and ecu integration.
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Extra resources for Citizenship and National Identity
But I should like to say something more positive about nationality before coming to the difficulties. It is precisely because of the mythical or imaginary elements in national identity that it can be reshaped to meet new challenges and new needs. We have seen that the story a nation tells itself about its past is a selective one. Depending on the character of contemporary politics, the story may gradually alter, and with it our understanding of the substance of national identity. This need not take the crude form of the rewriting of history as practised in the late Soviet Union and elsewhere (airbrushing pictures of Trotsky out of the Bolshevik central committee and so on).
The third proposition is political, and states that people who form a national community in a particular territory have a good claim to political self-determination; there ought to be put in place an institutional structure that enables them to decide collectively matters that concern primarily their own community. Notice that I have phrased this cautiously, and have not asserted that the institution must be that of a sovereign state. Historically the sovereign state has been the main vehicle through which claims to national self-determination have been realized, and this is not just an accident.
Its premise is the cultural fragmentation of modern states. Members of these states are in the process of adopting an ever more disparate set of personal identities, as evidenced by their ethnic affiliations, their religious allegiances, their views of personal morality, their ideas about what is valuable in life, their tastes in art, music and so forth. In all these areas there is less convergence or agreement than there once was. Yet at the same time the individuals and groups having these fragmented identities need to live together politically, and this means finding some common basis or reference point from which their claims on the state can be judged.
Citizenship and National Identity by David l. Miller