By David Martin Jones
In the course of the Stuart monarchy oath taking grew to become a method to implement well known allegiance to the king (who had turn into head of either the church and the country through the past Tudor reign). In an age more and more preoccupied via judgment of right and wrong, this at first helped to reinforce the monarch's strength. but, mockingly, religiously and constitutionally stimulated teams strongly objected to such nation oaths, and the try through the crown to implement such unconditional allegiance served to create a countervailing culture that hostile it. This e-book discusses either the allure of the nation oath to govt as a devise to advertise and safe aid, and the explanations why judgment of right and wrong declined in political relevance throughout the eighteenth century.
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Extra info for Conscience and allegiance in seventeenth century England: the political significance of oaths and engagements
67. "42 It would address those situations where the infraction of a rule is justified. "43 In other words, at the end of an era of ideology we might curiously and without fully realizing it have returned to something like a casuistical mode. Certainly, for the covenanters, engagers, and oath takers of seventeenth century England the excuses that governed the taking and dissolving of oaths represented more than a neglected branch of philosophy. They could constitute the difference between life and death or public service and obscurity.
P. 7. 53 G. Berkeley "An Essay Towards the Preventing the Ruin of Great Britain" (1721), in A. A. E. ), The Works of George Berkeley Bishop of Cloyne. Vol. 6, p. 83 (London, 1953); J. Swift, The Swearer's Bank (London, 1720). Page 12 taking and the extent that this evolving practice reflected the new political fact that the Reformation had both increased the political authority and exacerbated the political insecurity of the godly prince. In this context, the expansion of the equity jurisdiction and common law as a machinery for officially determining the conscience of the ecclesiastical polity will be explored.
9 R. Dworkin cited in M. Walzer, Interpretation and Social Criticism, (Harvard, 1987), p. 28. 10 C. Taylor, Sources of the Self: The Making of the Modern Identity (Cambridge, 1989), p. 515. 12 Such reductionism is made plausible, despite caveats to the contrary, by the continuing tendency to see history and, more particularly, the history of political thought, leading to the triumph of one of a variety of universalistic ideological possibilities. "13 This approach assumes an irresistible liberalizing tide in British affairs and its motors were an evolving secularism, the inexorable rise of a new urban middle class animated by a capitalist ethic and the seismic shift in wealth and power occasioned by the industrial revolution.
Conscience and allegiance in seventeenth century England: the political significance of oaths and engagements by David Martin Jones